William Cornell
1750-1825
William was born on October 19, 1750 and came to America with his mother when he was 15 years old. After his marriage at age 24, he moved to the colonial New York frontier, where loyalties were extremely divided, and the Iroquois Confederacy was only 30 miles away. He served actively as a ranger in the Revolution for the American cause and lived in the same region through 1816 when, at the age of 66, he moved his family west to Penn Yan, in what is now Yates County, New York, where he died on June 11, 1825.
Dublin, Ireland
William’s father, John Cornell, a soldier in the British 44th Regiment of Foot, sailed to America in January 1755 and died at Fort Carillon (Ticonderoga) on July 8, 1758 in the noted battle between Abercrombie and Montcalm. William had to have been conceived in January 1750 in Dublin, where the 44th was stationed until that Spring. We do not yet know anything about the identity of William’s mother, although it is highly probably that her name was “Anna” knowing that the naming conventions of the day typically drew from the immediate parents. His first two children were named John and Anna, followed by several more documented in his wife’s family. Neither a marriage nor a baptism record has been found yet. As William was a Protestant, as was the British Army at large at that time, it is likely that John was as well. There is a reference in the family story to Anna making lace. This could possibly indicate that she was a Huguenot, who were experts in textiles and had settled in Dublin. By the early 1700’s, Dublin had a large French Protestant population with four Huguenot churches. Assuming that John was not from Dublin, it’s likely that the marriage and birth of William would have occurred in one of the Protestant churches in Dublin, but I have yet to physically search for any records. It’s also interesting to note that Greenwich, Connecticut – where William’s wife was from – is only 12 miles along the coast to New Rochelle, New York, which was settled in 1688 by French Huguenots. Possibly, this helped draw Anna and William geographically together.
New York & Connecticut
The old published family story has William sailing with his mother to America when William was 15, or 1765, and settling in New York City. “They here supported themselves by dealing in lace, for a time. William manufactured and sold lace for a number of years.” There is an advertisement for unclaimed mail in the July 17, 1775 New York Gazette in the name of “Ann Cornwell.” William’s son later changed the spelling of the family name to “Cornwell.” The “w” in English when mid-word is often dropped in pronunciation, as in “Greenwich” (Gren-itch) so the phonetics of “Cornell” and “Cornwell” were similar, as distinct from modern day American. The first time that William shows up officially in the records is in his marriage to Hannah Finch on November 5, 1774 in Greenwich, Connecticut by Rev. Jonathan Murdock at the Second Congregational Church, which stands today in different form at 139 East Putnam Avenue. Hannah’s parents were Jeremiah Finch and Abigail Rundle. Jeremiah’s parents were Samuel Finch and Mary Whelpley. Abigail’s parents were Abraham Rundle and Rebecca Mead. These were among the founders of Greenwich and Stamford who had sailed to America in 1632 and 1635. How William met Hannah is unknown, although a logical scenario is that his lace business took him to Greenwich, or her to New York, separated by only 30 miles.
New York Frontier
According to the published versions of William’s history, “Soon after his marriage he removed and settled in Delaware county in this State. He purchased a tract of wild land eight miles from the village of Delhi, on the Delaware river, and lived upon it until he was driven away by the British and Indians, in the time of the Revolutionary war.” Since a colonial winter was no time to travel by horse and wagon from Greenwich to Tryon County, it’s reasonable to assume that they moved in the spring of 1775, shortly after the wedding. It’s probable that the social constructs of colonial New York and Connecticut left little in the way of land and opportunity, both of which all lay to the west. As Revolutionary sentiments were well under way at this point, it’s also likely that Hannah’s parents were somewhat uneasy with her marrying this recent immigrant and his taking her away to Indian country. At the time of the Revolution, the part of New York where William moved to was in Tryon County, immediately adjacent to Albany County in the East. Delaware Country was not formed until 1797 and, during the Revolution, it was part of Tryon County – its current county seat is Delhi, New York. Delhi sits on the western side of the west branch of the Delaware River, then called the Mohock or Cookquago branch. Everything on the eastern side of this river was part of Albany County and, more specifically, what is today Schoharie County. After the war, in 1787, we know exactly where William’s purchase was to the west of Delhi, in Hamden, but it is likely that his first land was eight miles eastward of Delhi due to his very close association with John Harper.
All of these towns, and many more, were part of a land patent made on March 31, 1767 covering 100,000 acres, or 156 square miles, known as Harpersfield. The land at the upper part of the patent included the headwaters of the Delaware River at Utsayantha Lake. The fascinating map here shows the general geography of William’s world from Fort Stanwix to Harpersfield and along the Schoharie. There weren’t settlers further afield in the Harper patent – everyone initially settled closer to John Harper’s house. Harper’s land bordered that of Sir William Johnson, a Tory and head of Indian affairs for the British – which land in 1774 became that of his son, John Johnson, who would go on to lead the King’s Royal Regiment raids with Indians against the colonists during the Revolution. Just to the west was the true frontier – labeled “Indians Country” on the map. Due west was Onondaga, the primary settlement of that nation and the meeting place for the Iroquois Grand Council. Many of the men with whom William later served during the war were among the original plot owners in the Harpersfield Patent, including Brown, Patchin, Knapp, McFarland, Drake, Cowley and Hendry. These names show why this area was called the “Old England District” of Tryon County for its concentration of English, Scotch and Irish settlers. Things blurred at the edges, obviously, with the Dutch in the valley along the Mohawk River and the German Palatines in the Schoharie River valley. Many of these families, including the Harpers, were from Connecticut (Patchin, Sherwood, Darrow). Back in Greenwich or New York City, William and Hannah may have heard about the opportunity to settle new lands. Later, we see William accepting military pay for family names (Knapp, Wilson) that were also in the Connecticut marriage registers on the same page as William & Hannah. It is likely that they heard about the opportunity and became a lessee – or were even squatters – on one of the original Harpersfield plots. In this way, William would have become immediately aware of, and familiar with, John Harper. Harper had been educated at Dr. Eleazor Wheelock’s school for Indians in Lebanon, Connecticut where Harper was classmates with later Mohawk leader Joseph Brant (Thayendanegea) and learned to speak the native language. Wheelock was a Yale graduate and later founded Dartmouth College, where Brant’s own sons went after the war. Sir William Johnson was the husband of Joseph Brant’s sister, Molly.
Revolutionary War Records
William shows up in three separate Revolutionary War records. The fullest and most important is the roll of Col. John Harper’s regiment of Militia and Levies dated March 3, 1780. Many of the names on this roll (hereafter, the “Roll”) help shed light on William’s probable actions during the scope of the war.
MILTIA
“State of New York, Secretary’s Office, I certify that on the 3rd day of March 1780, the following persons were duly appointed and commissioned as officers of a Regiment of Militia in the then county of Tryon in this state as appears by the minutes of the Council of Appointment remaining in this Office –“
LEVIES
“and I further Certify that the following persons were duly appointed as Commissioned Officers of a Regiment of Levies raised for the defense of the Frontiers of this State. – Given under my hand and the Seal of this Office at the City of Albany the second day of May in the year of our Lord One thousand eight hundred and thirty four. – Archb. Campbell, Dep. Secretary.”
In New York in the Revolution, Fernow records: “FIFTH REGIMENT – The records do not show when this Regiment was first organized. The Council of Safety, on the 17th of July, 1777, ordered two Companies of Rangers to be raised in the Counties of Tryon, Ulster and Albany for the protection of the frontier inhabitants. One of these Companies was to be commanded by John Harper, with Alexander Harper as First Lieutenant. This may have been the nucleus of the Fifth Tryon County Regiment, which does not appear in the Minutes of the Council of Appointment until March 3, 1780, when the following appointments were made:….Wm. Cornel, Ensign.”
In addition to the names on the roll image, Fernow (pg 26) adds Capt. Joseph Harrison to this list, and adds (pg 538) that “Col. John Harper’s Regt. Of Levies was in active service of the U.S. from May 11 to Novbr 30, 1780. Besides the officers, given on Page 256, the ‘Audited Accounts, A.p. 43,’ mention Captains Joshua Drake and Jonathan Lawrence; also Liets. Albertus Becker and James Yule.”
This actual formation of the Ranger companies in July 1777 was as follows:
“Proceedings of the Provincial Congress, Committee of Safety and Convention of New York Relating to Military Matters – July 17, 1777 – Resolved, that two companies of Rangers be raised to serve in the Counties of Tryon, Ulster and Albany for the protection of the Frontier Inhabitants of the aid Counties; that each Company consist of one Captain, one Lieutenant, four Sergeants, four Corporals one drum or fife and ninety Privates; that they find their own arms and accoutrements and be allowed Continental pay and that the Captains be allowed Sixteen Shillings and the Lieutenants Fourteen Shillings per week in Lieu of Rations. That the non-commissioned Officers and privates be allowed ten Shillings per week in Lieu of rations, except when it shall be thought more expedient by the Officer commanding said Companies to have the same supplied with rations, in which case no subsistence money shall be allowed, but the same shall be applied by the said Commanding Officer to the purchase of such rations.
Resolved, that John Harpur be first Captain, Alexander Harpur first Lieutenant, James Clyde second Captain and John Campbell first Lieutenant of the second Company….Resolved, that when the said Companie or either of them shall consist of more than fifty men, that a Second Lieutenant shall be added to such Company.
Resolved, that Colonel Harpur proceed to recruit as fast as possible and as soon as twenty five men are enlisted, that he station them to the best advantage for the protection of the Inhabitants of said Counties under the Command of Lieutenant Harpur and so on from time to time as fast as a sufficient number of Recruits are collected – that Colonel Harpur Station them under a proper officer and in Case our Domestic Enemy or the Indians should make any Depredations on any of the Inhabitants that Colonel Harpur give orders to repel force by force.
Resolved, that Colonel Harpur be cautious of making any attack upon the Savages or pursue any measures that bring an Indian war, unless absolutely necessary for the Defence of the Inhabitants & rendered unavoidable by previous Hostilities committed on their Part.
July 18, 1777 – Ordered, that Colonel Lasher or his Deputy deliver to Colonel John Harpur one hundred weight of Gun Powder and three hundred weight of Lead for the use of the Rangers ordered to be raised under his command.”(Fernow pg 158)
The distinction between Militia and Levies was that:
“the Militia could only be called out of the state for three months at a time. The Levies were drafts from different militia regiments and from the people directly as well and could be called upon to serve outside the state during their entire term. The Line regiments were directly in the U.S. service under Washington. The Militia regiments were designated first by the colonels’ names and next by their counties. The Militia was called out when wanted, kept as long as wanted, and the soldiers then sent to their homes. Officers and men seem to have served in different organizations almost indiscriminately. At one call, they were in one regiment or company, and at another call, in another regiment or company. It is, therefore, very difficult to keep trace of them on the different pay-rolls or ‘pay-books,’ as they were sometimes called. Counties were divided into districts, and the colonel of the regiment in each district was given almost unlimited jurisdiction in military matters. He was required to see that every male between the ages of sixteen and fifty was enrolled. Later, the age limit was extended to sixty. If an able-bodied man, he must serve when “warned” under penalty of fine and imprisonment; but if incapacitated, he must contribute toward furnishing and equipping another man – any person furnishing a substitute being exempt for the time that substitute served. Each soldier must present himself armed, and with a blanket, a powder horn and a flint, and sometimes even a tomahawk was required.” The pensions are also full of similar stories regarding varied service. As Nicholas Rightor stated, “This deponent was stationed sometimes at one fort and sometimes at another as circumstances required and under many different officers.”
William also shows up in May 1780 in Capt. Joshua Drake’s Company, Col. John Harper, in the record of treasury certificates: “To Whom Payable – Seth Highly, To Whom Transferred – Willm Cornel, Whom Received – John Backford” and “To Whom Payable – Philip Riley, To Whom Transferred – Willm Cornel, Whom Received – John Backford”. Also named in this ledger are William Wilson, Seth Sherwood, and Barent Roseboom, the latter two of which are on the Roll. Fernow records that Drake was captured October 23, 1780 with Walter Vrooman at Ganaghsaraga.
William shows up again in notes for Capt. Joseph Harrison’s Company, Col. John Harper: “William Wilson received Silas Knap’s Certif. instead of Wm. Corn.” Also named in Harrison’s company record of treasury certificates are Isaac Bogart (on the Roll), Thomas Bradshaw (on the Roll), Seth Sherwood (on the Roll), William Wilson, Samuel Patchin, Ezra Buel (on the Roll), Isaac Paris (on the Roll), and William Harper. The same series of treasury certificate notes for Capt. Isaac Bogart’s company included William Wilson and George Passage (on the Roll) and, notably, several of Col. Daniel Morgan’s Rifleman: Timothy Murphy, David Ellison, William Lloyd, William Leek, and Zachariah Tufts. When this enlistment ended, these riflemen then enlisted on November 1, 1780 in the company of Capt. Jacob Hager, in Col. Peter Vrooman’s 15th Regiment of the Albany County Militia – Districts of Schoharie & Duanesburgh. In both the summer (July 31) and fall (November 30) of 1780, Timothy Murphy is listed in the war records as being paid as a private in the company of Captain Isaac Bogart under Colonel John Harper. William Wilson is also a private under Bogart. These close associations, and the pension stories further below, clearly put William Cornell in the same groups, same forts, and probably the same scouts as Timothy Murphy.
There is no existing war record showing William’s service under Jacob Hager (often transcribed as “Heager” or “Heger”). However, the family record and printed stories point to William’s commissioned service with Hager, and numerous other records and pension applications associate William with men who can be directly linked to Hager. As will be seen below, when the frontier broke down in 1777 and the inhabitants all fled to newly constructed forts along the Schoharie River, in Albany County, the distinction between Tryon & Albany counties blurred as men joined units as needed.
Neither William nor Hannah filed for a pension or bounty land, so associated records do not exist. He has yet to be found by name in the pension records of others in the area. This is not unreasonable as the men giving their pension applications often cite, in colorful self-deprecating terms, their old age and recollection. Yet these are the original voices and sources, which is also what makes the published writings of Jeptha Simms and William Stone so valuable: they spoke directly with the veterans who were actually involved in the war. While we don’t have a pension application from William, we have dozens from those he directly served with, and it’s through their stories that a better sense of his service can be seen.
As discussed below, and working backwards from his presence on the 1780 roll, at William’s probable arrival in the Spring of 1775, he likely joined the militia, remained with them as they became Harper’s Rangers in 1777 and as they then became the Fifth Regiment of the Tryon County Militia. When the Tryon and Albany county citizens came together in the Schoharie forts, he served in other units as needed until the end of the war.
Tryon County Militia
The Tryon County militia was authorized in March 1772 and the Committee of Safety was founded on August 27, 1774. The Tryon County militia was initially comprised of four regiments organized by geographic area: 1st (Canajoharie district), 2nd (Palatine district), 3rd (Mohawk district), 4th (German Flatts & Kingsland districts). The 5th does not appear in the records until May 1780, with John Harper as Colonel, but appears by name on Nov 24, 1775 in the Tryon Committee of Safety minutes. A few months earlier, on June 15, 1775, at a Committee meeting led by Nicholas Herkimer, “this meeting was, to have a Review of the associated Freeholders and Inhabitants of this Dist. Who, after having been formed into Companies of Militia, have chosen their officers, agreeable to Regulations of our Provincial Congress. A number of people…which were not yet Associated, have voluntarily signed the Association and subscribed their names to their Declaration, have this day also Associated themselves with us in the manner following: Country Tryon – We the subscribers, Respective Freeholders of the said County, do hereby solemnly declare, and acknowledge the same on our Oaths, when Required that we will support our American Liberties to the utmost of our power in Company and Association with our Neighbors and Fellow Freeholders of our said County.”
At the absolute frontier of society, this physical proximity was a necessity for unit composition, and men generally served in companies formed with their neighbors, which facilitated both communications and protection. Harpersfield at that time had 50 residents in total. What William and others’ war records show are that units formed early in 1775 are often comprised of the same men in 1780. Yet at the same time, the war rolls and the pension applications of many of the men serving around William at this time also describe multiple situations where men served in different groups. Companies could change around depending on health, availability, capture, death, or willingness to volunteer for specific missions.
In the Roll, there is perfect alignment in named company officers to earlier records. Specifically, that of Captain John Vanderwerker, 1st Lieut. Isaac Quackenboss, 2nd Lieut. Daniel Ogden, and Ens. Thomas Cully. The origin of that can be found in the minutes of the Tryon Committee of Safety in May 1775. “Honorabel Cornel Harper Sir Wee the Inhabitants of Soanes’s Creek on the Susquehannah have Chousen Daniel Ogden for our committee and John Vanderwaker Capt. and Isack Quackenbush Liet. and Thomas Culley for Insign and wee beg the favor of your honor to Git Commitions for Sd. Capt. and Liet. and Insign and we hope that your Honor will git powder and Led for us as we are in the front Teer Settlement.” All these citizens were inhabitants of the same creek off the Susquehanna around Oneonta and Otego, where many of the listed names – including Vanderwerker and Quackenboss – settled the Wallace Patent in 1775.
We see this geographic association again in the minutes on April 2, 1777. “Upon application of Mr. John Harper, a Member of the Board, concerning a certain Road from Harpersfield leading to Schohary—Resolved, that all the Settlers between Charlotte River and the Cochqugoe Branch of the Delaware River shall work upon the said Road in manner agreeable to the former acts of assembly of New York province. Resolved, that the Inhabitants of Charlotte River shall be formed into one company, and be commanded by the following officers, as elected by the same vizt. — Lodowick Brakeman, Capt., Joseph Bartholomew, Lieut., Daniel Service, Ensign.” Daniel Service (Servas) is not listed in the 1780 roll, perhaps because he had died. Lodowick Breakman’s own pension application paints the same picture: “That the said Lodowick Brakeman in 1775 entered into the service of the United States in a Company of militia Rangers in the then province of Canojaharie County of Tryon in the State of New York and which is now in the County of Montgomery in July 1775 under Col. John Harper. That he served is such position until the 2nd of December 1776 when the said Lodowick was chosen a Captain of a company of militia Rangers in the Regiment commanded by the said Col. John Harper and served as such Captain until February 1780.”
John Brown, who also shows up in the roll as an Ensign like William in the Tryon 5th, also came with his family from Connecticut (Stamford) and settled in the Harper’s patent at what became the town of Stamford, New York. His pension application says that “In 1777…the deponent entered the service of the United States at Schoharie…into a company commanded by Capt. John Harper, Lieutenants Alexander Harper and Joseph Bartholomew.” The recollection here is slightly off in that John was the Colonel, and Alexander the Captain; also, Bartholomew was generally a Lieutenant under Breakman, but this also shows the fluidity of movement amongst the ranks.
No such linear records exist for the companies on the Roll comprised of Capt. William Jonhston and 1st Lieut. Reuben McCollum, or for Capt. Daniel McGillevry and 1st Liet. Daniel Watson. Nor do they exist for William’s company, which consisted of Capt. John McMicken, 1st Lieut. James Mason, 2nd Liet. John Henry, and then Ens. William Cornell.
It is notable that John McMicken does not appear anywhere else in the records of Harper’s Regiment, either before or after the March 1780 roll date. In fact, he doesn’t show up in any census or other American records. It is highly likely that he changed sides and joined the Loyalists as a member of John Butler’s rangers. There is a John McMicken (McMicking/McMechan) in the Canadian war records serving under Capt. Ten Broeck. John McMicken’s discharge papers from June 24, 1784 show that he joined in 1781. It was not inconceivable to be a turncoat from the rank of Captain, even after having served on the American side. As recorded by Fernow, another captain in the Tryon Fifth, Alexander Liel, “deserted to the enemy” and Daniel McGillevry was promoted into his position. A relation of John McMicken, Thomas McMicken (McMicking), also lived “on the west branch of the Delaware River” and “when the war broke out he lived in Tryon County. In March 1781 he joined the British army at Niagara. – Says that he was desired by Joseph Brant to remain in the Country for the purpose of getting Intelligence and of supplying the British Scouts with provisions.” Thomas also said that “he was obliged to take arms once with the Rebel Militia for one night, before that he had been under Arms with Captain J[ohn] McDonell[McDonald] of Sir John Johnson’s Regiment and was in consequence imprisoned by the Rebels…. He was then in Albany Gaol for furnishing Provisions to a British Party. In 1781 he was taken by the Seneca Indians and brought into Niagara. – He enlisted on his coming into the British Lines in the Johnson’s Forresters.”
The Roll includes St. Ledger Cowley, the Adjutant of the Tryon 5th, who was “amongst the early pioneers who settled on the West Branch of the Delaware river…a native of Ireland, who removed from Albany with his family and located himself below the site of the present flourishing village of Bloomville, and not far from the south corner of the town of Kortright.”
The Roll also includes Isaac Patchin, the chairman of the Harpersfield vigilance committee, who lived along the west branch of the Delaware below the town. His son, also named Isaac, recorded in his pension “That he entered the service under the following named officers and service as herein stated. That in the month of October or November in the year 1776 he enlisted in the service of the Revolution at Harpersfield , then in the County of Albany being his residence, he joined Captain Alexander Harper’s Company of rangers, he enlisted for nine months in said company, the company at that time was under the direction of Colonel Peter Vrooman…That he continued to serve in Captain Harper’s company till his nine months had expired which was in July or August in 1777. That as soon as his time had expired he enlisted again at Cobleskill about twelve miles from the Middle Fort aforesaid for nine months longer in Captain Harper’s company he returned to Middle Fort in Schoharie which was then head quarters that he continued in said company of rangers till his term for which he enlisted was out when he was discharged at head quarters. That after he was discharged as afroresaid he still continued in the service as a volunteer till some time in the latter part of March 1780.”
Beginning of the Troubles
Living on the true edge of the frontier, William likely had a musket, a rifle for hunting, and spent much of his time covering significant distances in the woods. William’s daughter, Rebecca, according to her great granddaughter in the SYRACUSE HERALD, on March 14, 1908, said that William was serving under Harper in the early part of the war. This aligns with 1775, which began to see the disaggregation of society, and often individual families, into either Loyalists or those supporting “the Cause.” Tryon County had a significant number of loyalists. Scouts and patrols from both sides were busy gathering information and protecting their neighbors from increasing hostility, including kidnapping, murder and the destruction of homes and property. During the 1775-1776 period, William was probably tending his farm, participating in the night watch and being called out on militia patrols. This is also likely the time that one of the old published stories about William occurred.
“He was taken prisoner, with three of his neighbors, by the Indians. They were marched down the river some fifteen miles and put up for the night. The Indians bound their hands and tied them fast upon their backs. The Indians all slept, leaving a sentinel. Soon this Indian was sound asleep too. Cornell, perceiving the opportunity, was able to untie his own hands and he immediately released his fellow prisoners. They armed themselves with the Indian tomahawks and slew the whole band, excepting one who escaped. On their journey home they called on a Mr. Rose, a few miles above Delhi. This Mr. Rose was a Tory, and the Indians with their prisoners had called at his house for refreshments the day before, and they had heard Mr. Rose say to the Indians: “More scalps and less prisoners.” Our company formed themselves into a stump court martial to consider Mr. Rose’s case. They concluded to spare his life, but the sentenced him to be whipped. So they tied him to a cherry tree in front of his own door and they whipped him so severely that Mr. Rose’s back was rough and full of ridges ever after (Mr. Rose was living in 1840).” (Yates County Chronicle, March 31, 1870)
The person referenced in the story was Hugh Rose, from Scotland, who shows up in other stories from the era including those recorded by Jay Gould and Jeptha Simms. When Alexander Harper’s scouting party is captured by Joseph Brant in April 1780, the party stops at Rose’s house on the way to Canada, where Rose also tells Brant that “they might better have taken more scalps and fewer prisoners.” Clearly, the favorite phrase of an indignant Tory. Then, in July 1780, another group is captured by Seth’s Henry and stops at Rose’s house where he makes them johnny-cake and gives them provisions to head for Canada. When a scout from the Upper Fort at Schoharie stops at Rose’s house in pursuit of the party and asked if he had seen any Indians in the vicinity, Rose replied, “Yes, the woods are full of them!” Simms also notes that, after the war, a party of men, including Alexander Harper and John Brown, made whips out of beech and gave Rose 100 lashes.
Tables Turn in 1777
The year 1777 saw the war truly escalate in Tryon & Schoharie counties. At the beginning of 1777, the Iroquois Confederacy, or Six Nations, had not taken official sides in the conflict. It was not an easy time to be a settler on the edge of the woods – “individual after individual, and family after family, were missing along its outskirts. The smoking ruins of their dwellings, the charred bones of their inmates, and the dead bodies of domestic animals killed by the enemy, were all that were left to record their fate, until the return of some captive, or the narration of a prisoner taken from the enemy.” Pensions of men serving with William at this time illustrate some of the activities and tension:
Killian Ritter – “That he entered the service of the Unites States under the following varied officers and served as herein stated. That on the first of April in the year 1777 he enlisted in a company of rangers commanded by Captain Joseph Bartholomew in a Regiment commanded by Col John Harper in New York for the term of nine months that in the time of service he went to the mouth of Schenevas [Schenevus] creek with said Col Harper where they surprised and took prisoner a party of Indians. that during the remainder of this term of service in this company was stationed in the neighborhood of Harpersfield and Charlotte River to protect the inhabitants and to watch a certain Tory family by the name of Servas [Service].”
Abraham Becker – “And he further states that in the month of April 1777 he again volunteered in a Company of Militia commanded by Capt. Alexander Harper and Lieutenant Bartholomew in a Regiment commanded by Col. John Harper for the period of nine months. That he joined the Company on the Charlotte and within a few days thereafter Capt. Harper’s Company took Johnason [ ] and Daniel Servas [Service] and Jacob Servas prisoners – who were all Tories then residing on the Charlotte, and who were harboring and had joined with the Indians in opposition to the Revolution. That Capt. Harper’s company took said Tories as far as Cherry Valley and there delivered them to the Committee of Safety to be conveyed to Jonstown. Said Capt Harper’s Company returned back to Charlotte and remained there stationed at Liet. Bartholomew’s for a considerable time how long cannot precisely recollect. From the Charlotte was marched to Brakeabeen on the Schoharie Kill and was there stationed for some time, cannot exactly recollet – and was stationed at [Turlough now Sharon] in Schoharie county – and at Harpersfield Delaware county during this nine months service.
The tipping point for the region occurred on June 27 when Herkimer, his senior officers, and 350 militia marched to Unadilla to meet with Joseph Brant (Thayendanegea), war chief of the Mohawks. It is quite probable that William was amongst the 350 militia in attendance given his respect for Herkimer. The goal was a truce and Brant’s commitment to neutrality. John Harper was in attendance as well, for he not only spoke the language, but he was a lifelong acquaintance of Brant, as noted above. Brant refused, and chose to remain a loyal subject of King George “as their fathers and grandfathers had been.” From that moment onward, everything changed dramatically.
A few days later, on July 2, 1777, Herkimer wrote to Gen. Schulyer, “As it is no more in doubt, that the enemies will make an Attack in our Frontiers, very soon, and very likely a large number of dissaffected Indians will join them. No time nor care is to be spared to guard against it. We are yet in a defenceless situation, as your Excellency will judge yourself, as the Indians will doubless make an Incusion into our Settlements, which it is not very difficult to them to distroy or take possesion thereof. Our Militia cannot be spared and serve as an assistance for Fort Schuyler. We want rather succour ourselves, to save the outward inhabitants with their families, I recommend our present dangerous situation to your particular care as we are but few, and the Enimy will force in as much as possable to put his friends our runaways in possesion of their former properties again, if we shall not be expeditiously succoured with Contenental Troops I fear the Indians will make ravage of our Frontier Country and the Enemies will make an entry in our State from our Quarters without great difficulty.”
The Harpersfield vigilant committee, led by Isaac Patchin Sr., wrote to State Council of Safety on July 4, 1777: “The late irruptions and hostilities committed at Unadilla by Joseph Brant, with a party of Indians and tories, have so alarmed the well-affected inhabitants of this and the neighboring settlements, who are not the entire frontier of this State, that except your Honors doth afford us immediate protection, we shall be obliged to leave our settlements to save our lives and families; especially as there is not a man on the outside of us….” Patchin’s son also served in the same Tryon 5th regiment as William as seen in his pension – “That he entered the service under the following named officers and service as herein stated. That in the month of October or November in the year 1776 he enlisted in the service of the Revolution at Harpersfield , then in the County of Albany being his residence, he joined Captain Alexander Harper’s Company of rangers.”
On July 7, 1777, Herkimer wrote to Gen. Schulyer, “It appears a general Disturbance & Declining of Courage in the Militia of or County, for the reason of which they alledge, that they see themselves exposed to a soon Invasion of the Enemies, and particularly of a large Number of Cruel Savages, quite forsaken of any assistance of Troops to Save this Country. They alone think themselves not able to resist such Enemies, for if they would gather themselves together to appear, their poor Wives and Children would be left helpless and fall prey to the merciless savages. I can assure you that some are already busy with moving away; some declare pubickly, that if the Enemy come, they would not leave home, but stay with their families, and render themselves over to the enemy, as they cant help themselves otherwise without Succor. I may say, whole Numbers of Men in each District are so far Discouraged, that they think it worthless to fight, and will not obey orders in Battle, if the County is not succor’d with at least Fifteen Hundred Men Continental Troops.”
On July 17, 1777, Herkimer wrote “Whereas, it appears certain that the enemy, of about 2000 strong, Christians and savages, are arrived at Oswego with the intension to invade our frontiers, I think it proper and most necessary for the defense of our country, and it shall be ordered by me as soon as the enemy approaches, that every male person, being in health, from 16 to 60 years of age, in this our county, shall, as dutie bound, repair immediately, with arms and accouterments, to the place appointed in my orders, and will then march to oppose the enemy with vigor, as true patriots, for the just defense of their country. And those that are above 60 years, or really unwell and incapable to march, shall then assemble, also armed, at the respective places where women and children shall be gathered together, in order for defense against the enemy, if attacked, as much as lies in their power. But concerning the dissaffected, and who will not directly obey such orders, they shall be taken along with their arms, secure under guard, to join the main body. And as such an invasion regards every friend to the country in general, but of this county in particular, to show his zeal and well-affected spirit in actual defense of the same, all the members of the committee, as well as all those who, by former commissions or otherwise, have been exempted from any other military duty, are requested to repair also, when called, to such place as shall be appointed, and join to repulse our foes. Not doubting that the Almighty Power, upon our humble prayers and sincere trust in him , will then graciously succor our arms in battle, for our just cause, and victory cannot fail on our side.”
Also on July 17, 1777, the Committee, in full realization of the British arrival at Oswego and their threat to the region, noted: “As the assistance of the Continental Troops, cannot be got to reinforce Fort Schuyler [Stanwix at Oriskany], and almost the half of the 200 Militia men, which were lately ordered to march to the said Fort as a Reinforcement, have not obeyed orders, and stayed at home to this Day…Resolved, that General Herkimer be Requested, to order, that such Disobeyers of Orders shall be warned again to join their Militia Detachment at Fort Schuyler, and if they are not willing then, they should be forced.” The Committee included William Petry, who shows up on the Roll as surgeon in the list of field staff officers. This declaration perfectly illustrates the tensions of the moment, where participation in the broader conflict was often at odds with the immediate protection of one’s family and friends from Tory and Indian attacks much closer to home.
On August 2, 1777, Governor George Clinton told Herkimer “The small number of Continental Troops occupying the western Posts renders it necessary to raise a Reinforcement from the militia in your Brigade. Upon the Receipt hereof you’ll, therefore, without Delay detach five hundred men…. Those Parts therefore of the Country that are most exposed to the Incursions of Detachments of the Enemy must turn out in their own Defense the other Parts of the state contributing to their Assistance.”
Battle of Oriskany
William was 27 years old at the time of the battle on August 6, 1777. He died at age 75 and his obituary, published in 1825, just 48 years after the battle, says that he “was present at the fall of Gen. Herkimer, at the battle of Oriskany, where he was wounded while in the discharge of his duty as lieutenant in a company of Rangers commanded by Capt. Hager.” There are three problems with this statement. First, it’s not likely that William served officially under Hager until his later time in the Schoharie forts. Second, there is no record of Hager’s troops being at Oriskany. Third, William was an Ensign in 1780 so it’s therefore unlikely that he was a Lieutenant in 1777 unless under a different unit structure. Fully aware that his knowledgeable contemporaries would be reading his obituary, and with many still alive, there is not an apparent motive for stating a falsehood. The last living Revolutionary solider did not die until the 1860’s, 83 years after the battle.
If you were living on the leading edge of the frontier, with your family on the farm that you’ve cut from the forest, it is not hard to imagine an inherent desire to protect it from the largest enemy force ever assembled in the area. But that desire would have to be weighed against the risk of leaving your family at home and therefore exposed to a large group of Indians and Tories in the neighborhood that were not up at Oriskany. This is precisely the interplay seen in the letters sent around at this time between Gen. Nicholas Herkimer as the head of the Tryon militia, Major Gen. Philip Schuyler, commander of the Northern Department of the Continental Army, Col. Goose Van Schaick, head of the 1st New York regiment stationed at Albany, and also the Committees of Safety for both Tryon and Albany counties.
Schuyler needed reinforcements for the 3rd New York already at Fort Stanwix to meet the oncoming force of St. Leger. On July 15, Herkimer wrote to Schuyler describing that the committee had stopped his initial militia orders from proceeding, as “they see themselves exposed to a soon Invasion of the Enemies, and particularly a large Number of Cruel Savages, quite forsaken of any Troops to Save this Country. They alone think themselves not able to resist such Enemies, for if they would gather themselves to appear, their poor Wives and Children would be left helpless and fall prey to the merciless savages.” On July 17, Herkimer issued a rousing letter to all the inhabitants of Tryon County that warned of the coming dangers. On July 19, Schuyler wrote Van Schaick, “You will then call upon the Militia of Schohary Duanseburgh Schenectady and Tryon County to march to oppose them, leaving orders at Albany for any Continental Regiment that may arrive there immediately to march to your support.” On August 4, Van Schaick wrote Schuyler that he had “ordered out one half of the Militia of Schoharie and Schenectadey to march immediately to the German Flatts” but the Schoharie Committee of Safety countermanded his order. The Tryon 5th was not summoned to Oriskany and was to remain behind to protect the exposure to Unadilla.
If William went to Oriskany, it was likely with the knowledge that his family would be protected under the wing of John Harper, who remained behind. The key question is why William didn’t remain behind with Harper, and one of the possibilities is that he was not in the militia rotation. Or, even if he were, an impassioned desire to go support his friends and Herkimer could have led to a substitute or replacement serving at home. As mentioned, William may have been amongst the militia that accompanied Herkimer to Unadilla earlier that year in June. If Herkimer, as the local figurehead of the entire force you served under, issued a desperate plea and William already knew and respected the man, it is not difficult to imagine his answering the call.
Importantly, we see other connections from the Roll to the Oriskany battle and, in particular, surgeon William Petry. It is Petry who treats Herkimer’s wounded leg on the battlefield, and Petry is wounded himself. Petry’s family, also spelled “Petri “or “Petrie,” were among the original settlers of the valley in the very early 1700’s, along with the Herkimers. His father, Jon Jost Petri, fought in the French & Indian war, like William’s father. Interestingly, William Petry was at Oriskany in the Tryon 4th Regiment although he appears on the Roll under John Harper of the Tryon 5th, which illustrates the close association of the men and the ability to serve in various capacities amongst different groups. Isaac Paris, the father of the paymaster on the Roll, also named Isaac Paris, was at Oriskany with his other son, Peter. The senior Isaac was a major under Col. Jacob Klock in the Tryon 2nd. Isaac, “with his clerk, Major John Eisenlord, and his elder son, Peter Paris, joined the forces of General Herkimer as volunteers in the march to the relief of Fort Stanwix. The two latter were killed at Oriskany, and the Hon. Isaac Paris was taken prisoner by the enemy on the retreat to Oneida Lake towards Canada.”
It is in this similar way, as a volunteer, that William could have been at Oriskany. This is seen in other pensions, where it was certainly an option to volunteer as a private soldier. More specifically, we see this in the pension records of Martinus Van Slyck, where it is twice mentioned that he was at the Oriskany battle and that his brother, Joseph, went as well and was killed. What is particularly notable about Van Slyck’s participation at Oriskany is the relationship to his former militia captain: Van Slyck was the 1st Lieutenant under Capt. Jacob Hager in the Albany 15th militia at its formation on October 20, 1775. Many war pensions show coherent militia units throughout the war, as they were neighbors and friends. Van Slyck later, on January 24, 1777, enlisted in the 1st New York Continental regiment, serving under Capt. Andrew Frinck, until the end of the war. At the time of Oriskany, the 1st was in Albany where Gen. Goose Van Shaick was recovering from a wound. This likely means that Van Slyck is home on the Schoharie, awaiting orders. Since the 1st New York wasn’t called, yet many of his countrymen are on the way to Oriskany, he likely decided to go and support the cause. Van Slyck was also the captain of the 3rd Night Watch, and Hager was the captain of the 4th Night Watch, which were established by the Schoharie Committee of Safety on July 7, 1777. The southern extremity of Hager’s beat was adjacent to the northern extremity of the Harpersfied beat where William was serving.
This raises the distinct possibility that Hager was there as well. Simms, when describing the August 13 “Battle of the Flockey,” says of Henry Hager at the event that “Capt. Jacob Hager, his son, was there at the time. He had returned with a party of Schoharie militia from the northern army but a few days before, where he had distinguished himself in several hazardous enterprises, transporting cannon to Fort Edward, etc.” It’s 78 miles from Breakabeen, where the Hager home was, to the Oriskany battlefield. This is just over a day of walking, or a day and a half with some sleep. If Hager had been at Oriskany on August 6th, he certainly could have been home by the Battle of the Flockey on August 13th. Fort Edward is just over 50 miles straight up the Hudson north of Albany, from which it would be impossible to return to Hager’s home in Breakabeen without going through Albany, or he could have headed directly west into the Mohawk valley and on to Oriskany. The latter seems more likely because, importantly, Schuyler is at Fort Edward on July 19 when he writes to Van Schaick ordering all the militia to Oriskany and, quite likely, Hager is there at that time – heeding the call. From Fort Edward, Schuyler traveled to Saratoga and then was at Stillwater by August 10. With things at a fever pitch, it would be hard to escape what was happening and what was being ordered of every able man. Furthermore, what did Simms mean by “distinguished himself in several hazardous enterprises”? William’s obituary, “as a lieutenant in a company of Rangers commanded by Capt. Hager” becomes more possible with these facts. At the time of Oriskany, Jacob Hager was one of many captains in the Albany 15th and, in particular, he lived in the Schoharie valley. There are a few possible scenarios: i) the writer of the obituary confused their notes; ii) Hager was there, independently; or iii) this is a misstatement and it is Harper, not Hager, that William is serving under at this time; which is not saying that Harper is physically present at Oriskany, but simply that William was serving under Harper at the time William chose to go to Oriskany. This opens the issue that the Tryon Fifth was not called to Oriskany, but was to remain home to protect the valley settlements. William still could have made the case for, and received permission for, his participation. That William is called a “Lieutenant” at this event when he was still and Ensign in 1780 is also an issue that is only reconciled by: i) the writer of the obituary confused the facts; or ii) random volunteers that assembled with Herkimer – such as Hager, Van Slyck, William and others – were formed into ad hoc companies, and preferably with friends and neighbors with whom they’d served before on scouts or watches.
Once the war shifted to the Schoharie forts, William likely served under Hager, as discussed below. But at this stage, it seems far more likely that he was still exclusively under Harper. The Hager homestead in Breakabeen was between Harpersfield and what would become the Upper Fort, but it was on the eastern side, in Albany (Schoharie) County. Thus, the Hager family was certainly within William’s sphere of associates, but William was living on John Harper’s land. Jacob Hager and his father, Hendrick, had also served in the French & Indian War, like William’s father, so they also had that common bond.
As for the “company of Rangers” reference, there were specific “Ranger” companies named in the New York Militia. Harper was specifically identified with the term, but Hager was not. Nevertheless, the term was broad and Jacob Hager’s experience certainly warranted the term “Ranger” which had a specific meaning. That far from Albany, at the edge of society, ranging warfare was the only kind. Said Simms, “Some of the more fearless citizens, enlisted to perform the duty of scouts, more or less of whom, were kept constantly out from the Schoharie forts, in the summer seasons. They were called “Rangers,” a term very applicable. Their duties were at times of the most dangerous and fatiguing kind, and not unfrequently in the fall and the spring of the year, when they had to encamp on the ground at night without a fire, the suffered almost incredible hardships.” The land area they covered was enormous, well over 150 miles in this Simms example: “A scout, consisting of Timothy Murphy, Bartholomew Vrooman, William Leed, and Robert Hutt, under the command of Sergeant Lloyd, left the Middle fort…the scout, while absent, visited Punchkill, Sharon, Cherry Valley, Unadilla, Susquehanna, Delhi, Minisink, and Cairo.” Furthermore, as discussed below, many of Daniel Morgan’s rifleman ultimately serve under Hager in the Schoharie forts in 1780, where it would take a particular kind of leader for that particular group of men.
The order of battle march into the Oriskany ravine was the 1st (Cox), 2nd (Klock), 4th (Bellinger) and 3rd (Visscher). Herkimer was in the vanguard but, as the action broke out, he turned and rode back to the 1st (Cox) and then down to the 2nd (Klock) where he and his horse were shot. Petry comes up to treat him from the 4th (Belllinger), so the columns are morphing, or Petry is summoned directly as the most notable doctor present. Jacob Hager and, therefore, William, lived closest to the Canajoharie District, which was Cox’s 1st so it is conceivable that those are the men that they joined in the column. It directly borders the Old England & Kortright district of the 5th, which also bordered the German Flats District of Bellinger’s 4th. In this way, they would’ve been on either side of where Herkimer fell when he rode back to the Klock’s 2nd. That Hager/Cornell would have been at the back of Cox’s column of militia makes more sense to put them close to Herkimer’s fall.
Whatever is to be made of the obituary reference, which is the earliest record and likely spawned all the subsequent writings on the topic, it seems possible that William was, indeed, there. Under whom is less relevant. His neighbors were there, Herkimer was there, and William was protecting his family and his homestead in the woods
War Comes Home to Harpersfield & Schoharie
While significant events in the larger British offensive plan were playing out – particularly Burgoyne’s movement on Saratoga – the war came more immediately to the Schoharie valley and the southeast corner of Tryon County around Harpersfield – and only within days of the August 6 Oriskany battle. On August 8, 1777, John McDonell (McDonald), who formerly lived on Charlotte creek before fleeing to Canada, as well as other loyalists – including Thomas McMicken (McMicking) – moved on Harpersfield. John McDonell was a Captain of Butler’s Rangers, one of the most feared Loyalist organizations of the Indian Department under Sir William Johnson. Butler’s Rangers ultimately had ten companies with Butler serving as Liet. Colonel. The majority of the soldiers were loyalists from New York. Butler fled with his family to Canada and he, like McDonell and others, applied for land to compensate for estates abandoned in America.
Fortunately, an advance warning was issued to John Harper who, in turn, alerted neighbors in his vicinity. McDonell attacked Harpersfield on August 9, 1777 and was only able to capture Isaac Patchin. He then joined with Adam Crysler, of the Indian Department under Joseph Brant, at Crysler’s own family house in Breakabeen to raid the Schoharie valley. On August 13, they marched toward Middleburg, but were checked by cavalry and rangers led by John Harper at what’s known as the “Battle of the Flockey.” Jacob Hager was present as well. The presence of both Hager and Harper certainly presents the opportunity for William to have been there, but given that William was wounded at Oriskany, it’s possible that he was recovering at home with Hannah, or perhaps the wound was serviceable. Col. Peter Vrooman’s matter-of-fact notes (shown here) summarize it quite plainly: “1777 August 14 day, Capt. McDonnell made his apairrence with 250 men and wee got a small reinforcement in wee sallied out to meet him but he fled before us.“
This attack was a very unsettling event for the local population, as the attack came from external forces and from within, and on the heels of Oriskany. In addition to McDonnel, a former resident, the participation of Adam Crysler stood out. Crysler (also spelled “Griesler”) was the son of German immigrants who were in Schoharie by the 1740s, and quite loyal to Britain. The revolution split the family, with Adam and three brothers joining the loyalists. He remained at home in Schoharie in June 1777, by the command of Brandt, to recruit both Indians and settlers for the Loyalist cause.
The following correspondence to Governor George Clinton illustrates the state of affairs amongst the people of Schoharie at this time:
Schoharey Fort Defyance, August the 20 1777
Sir,
On my Return to this place I found the wholl Country in alarm; and the popell So intimadated that it was out of my powir to inlist aney Considrabell number of men ; and thos that Did ingage ware So Scatred that it has ben out of my power to Colect them as they had to go hom for their Nesacarys; the peopell of Harpersfield onfortinately fell into the hands of McDanald, who amediatly Swor them not to take up arms against the King of Britan. As for further perticklers I Refer you to the Bairer, who will give you a full information and Remain, Sir, your Humbell
Serv’t
John Harper.
To The Honbell. the Presead’t of the Council of Safety at Kingstown.
Schohary, Fort Defyance Aug’t 20th 1777
Sir,
We have no doubt before this time you have heard of our alerming and distressed condition and though we have long foreseen the Storm & have made repeated Application for reliefe, we have received nothing in return but false Eppistles, neglect and con tempt, and we can assure you that it is the General opinion & speech of the people, that the State is betrayed, which appears to evident; we ware incurraged with the hopes of Troops coming to our assistance in consequence of the application made to the Council by Mr. Wills, but have been inform’d that the Troops ordered for that purpose were sent another way. We have since repeatedly applyed to the Committee of Albany, whose duty we thought it to exert themselves in our favour, but have been mock’d with inconsistent letters, requesting us to defend ourselves at a time when almost all the Neighbouring Setlements and the greater part of our own Inhabitants ware actually in arms against us; and notwithstanding our repeated aplications, we have not received one man to our assistance except a small party of the light Horse, Which Col. Harper procured at the risk of his life, and six French Men rais’d at his own expence, and they ware alowed to continue for so short a time that they could not be of any permenant service; and now one half of this valuable setlement lyes in ruin & dselution, our Houses plundered, our Cattle destroyd & our well affected in Habitants taken prisoners and sworn not to discover the Enemy’s plots or pro ceedings, nor to take up arms against the King of Great Britain or his adherents, and the Indians & Tories are now lying lurking in the Woods waiting for another reinforcement; all our people on whome we can relye with their Family’s in Garison,” and our whole Harvest (the best in the memory of Man) lyeing rotting in the Fields, and we see nothing but utter distruction before us, except your Honorable Council procure us immediate reliefe, Sir, we need not innumerate any more of our grievances, but refer you to the Bearer, Mr. Wm. Harper, who came to our assistance, the 11th Inst. & has continued to exert himself with us ever since, who can inform you more pertcularly of the whole of our affairs then we can write.
We remain, Sir, yours & the Council of Safety, Sincere
And most obedient hum’e Serv’ts.
By order of the Council of War.
Peter Vroman, president.
Aug’t 28th 1777
To The Honble. the Presedent of the Council of Safety.
To the honorable the Council of Safety of the State of New York.
The Memorial of William Harper & Fredrick Fisher on behalf of themselves & the Inhabitants of Tryon County
That the late Incursions of the Enemy & their Savages into the said County, & upon a part of the County of Albany have reduced the Inhabitants to the utmost distress. The Harvests not yet gathered in are rotting upon the Ground. The Grass uncut. The fallow Grounds not yet ploughed. The Cattle in a great measure destroyed.
That altho’ by the Blessing of God the Siege of Fort Schuyler hath been raised, yet the Inhabitants labour under the greatest Apprehensions, and in the opinion of your memorialists those apprehensions are not ill founded. The known method of war fare among the Savages, and the Infamy annexed to those who Buffer their Friends to fall unrevenged, give but too much reason to believe that the Fears of those unhappy People will be realized.
That the Council hath directed the raising of men to range the woods within the said County of Tryon which will not bring any additional Strength to that Frontier Country, and is for many Causes exceptionable, and will as your memorialists fear be inefficatious. First, because the wages of the Soldiery are So low, that no man will engage without the addition of some Bounty. Secondly, because the Sum allowed for Subsistance is utterly inadequate to that purpose; And thirdly because the rangers when in search of Subsistance must come in among the Inhabitants; whereas to answer the purpose for which they are raised, it is necessary that they should be kept at a Distance from the frontier Settlements.
Your Memorialists beg Leave to observe, that unless measures are speedily taken to remove the Fears & quiet the minds of the Inhabitants of that Country, and to inspire them anew with Confidence in the Government of the State, the worst Consequences are to be apprehended. And, therefore, they pray that the Council will take the premisses into their Serious Consideration and afford such relief as they in their wisdom shall think proper.
William Harper
Frederick Fisher.
Unfortunately, on September 17, 1777, George Clinton wrote back from Kingston that “I am sorry to inform you that the Rifle men & Militia from other Counties which you are led by a resolve of the Council of Safety to expect for the Protection of the Inhabitants of your Western Frontiers cannot be spared from the Northern army without weakening it too much at this critical Time.”
The residents of the frontier settlements were on their own.
To the Schoharie Forts
For the protection of the frontier inhabitants, three forts were built in the Schoharie valley beginning in the summer of 1777. The first finished was known as the Middle fort (also Fort Defiance), built at Johannes Becker’s house, in what is now the town of Middleburgh. It served as the headquarters and covered three acres. The northernmost of the three was the Lower fort (so named in relation to the northward flow of Schoharie water into the Mohawk River), built at a stone church in what is now the town of Schoharie. The southernmost was the Upper fort was in Johannes Feeck’s house (later owned by Timothy Murphy), just north of the present town of Fultonham, on the west side of the Schoharie creek. It is around 4 miles from the Upper to the Middle, and another 5 miles to the Lower. The Upper and Middle forts enclosed around three acres each and were well defended by palisades, pickets, blockhouses and moats. We do not know precisely when William and his family abandoned their home and fled to the safety of the forts. The Middle fort was finished first, but the Upper fort was closer to Harpersfield. From pension records, it’s probable that William was in both. Pension records from William’s regiment and other surrounding militia show that some went to the forts in 1777, while others went in 1778.
Abraham Becker – “1777…in the fall of the year he and the soldiers under Capt Harper assisted in building the Forts in Schoharie which were erected this season and he the said Abraham Becker was stationed at the Upper Fort for some time cannot say how long but well recollects of marching to Harpersfield and was there discharged by Col. Harper at the expiration of the said nine months service at this time the snow was about six inches deep.”
Lodowick Breakman (on William’s Roll) – “In the month of April 1778 the said Lodowick Brakeman moved into the middle fort in Schoharie with his family and the family remained in the fort until February 1780.”
John Brown (on William’s Roll) – “That he was born at Stamford, Fairfield County, Connecticut on the 24th of August 1761 – that when we was about twelve years of age his father removed, with his family, from said Stamford to Salem, Westchester County, State of New York and from thence shortly afterward to New Stamford in the last mentioned state in 1777. The Indians drove the setters of New Stamford into the neighborhood of the forts at Schoharie in this year. The deponent entered the service of the United States at Schoharie and entered into a Company commanded by Capt. John Harper, Lieutenants Alexander Harper and Joseph Bartholomew (who he believes are all dead) for five, six or seven months, the precise term of his enlistement he does not remember – he served out the time of his enlistment and was discharged on the 1st of April 1778.”
Alexander Harper (on William’s Roll) – “According to the best of my recollection, the inhabitants of Harpersfield were driven away from their homes in the month of July 1778” and he “formally resided at the Fort till the Spring of 1782.” “My mother Elizabeth Harper wife of Alexander Harper and her family were in the Fort at Schoharie in the principle point of the time that my father was kept in Canada. I was in the Fort at Schoharie with Elizabeth Harper when my father was a prisoner in Canada. During that time the Fort was attacked by Col. Butler & Johnson & Capt. Joseph Brandt…Maj. Woolsy and recall that during the Battle Elizabeth Harper and some other women were engaged in making cartidges for the soliders in the fort. I think Joseph Bartholomew was a Lieutenant in my Father’s company but I am not positive.”
Margaret Harper (daughter of Alexander, in pension of uncle Benjamin Bartholomew) – “the inhabitants of Harpersfield were driven away from their homes in the month of July 1778. We left to avoid being massacred by the Tories and after we had gone Capt. McDonald with a party of Tories followed us about two miles from the Fort. Night overtook us and it became too dark that we were compelled to encamp. Which we did near a small stream called West Kill. Some time in the night their came on a severe thunder shower and raised the water in the stream on which we were encamped and obliged us to leave. During the night our party had sent forward an express to the Middle Fort at Schoharie informing the officers in command then that our party was on their way to the fort and were pursued by a party of Tories. A party of men were sent out to our position and after than had passed us about half a mile they met Capt. McDonald and his party of about 150 Tories and a skirmish with them. Our friends were compelled to retreat before Capt. McDonald till they were reinforced. When they drove off McDonald and his party and we reached the Fort safely. My father’s family remained at the Fort till the Spring of 1782….I was acquainted with Benjamin Bartholomew. He was my mother’s brother. He served in the Fort or with the Rangers during the war. He was a member of the Company of Rangers of which my father was Captain on its first organization. He was in the battle at the Middle Fort when attacked by the united forces of Tories and Indians under Butler and Brandt in October 1781. I can’t remember the day of the month on which that battle took place but it has always been impressed on my mind that it was the 28th day of that month. I cannot say what rank Benjamin Bartholomew held in said Company but I had always had an impression that he was an Ensign. He might have been no more than a common soldier.”[Note: Gavin Watt places the encampment by West Kill noted above on the night of August 8, 1777, but the pension is very clear that it is 1778, which also aligns with the flight to the forts in all the other pensions cited here]
Isaac Quackenboss (on William’s Roll) – “That about the last of July 1778 he entered into the service again as a member of the class then turned out at the said city of Albany under the Command of Liet Col Sharp marched to Schoharie where they remained at the old meetinghouse half a month and was discharged by a verbal order in August following. That he once started with two other militia men to man the Middle Fort at Schoharie that the other two men ran away” “that he went with his class about the last of October 1780 under the command of Capt. Jacob Lansing from where he lived in Albany to the Stone Church or as it was called the Lower Fort in Schoharie where he staid a half month and was discharge verbally in November”
Jacob Thomas (serving under Isaac Bogart on William’s Roll) – “That in the spring of 1778, there was a call for men for the service, the militia were called, and each class furnished a man. Thes men were wanted for nine months service, the class this applicant was in agreed with him to go and under this engagement he entered the service under Capt Isaac Bogart at Schoharie, that Liet Harper and Ensign Pratt were attached to the same company; the regiment, to which he was attached, was commanded by Col Harper; Major Hughes was in the same Regt; we were at Schoharie Upper Fort from Spring till the next fall; that he should think it was in Nov 1778”
Abraham Lawyer – “Under Cap Jacob Hager, Lt Cornelius Feak. Middleburgh in the county of Schoharie. That he enrolled as a private in the militia of the State of New York as early as the first day of August in the year 1775. That he belonged to the same Militia Regiment & Company until the first day of April in the year 1783. That he marched from the Middle Fort in Schoharie in the year 1780 under Col Vrooman in pursuit of the Indians & Tories under McDonald who had been marauding the inhabitants of Schoharie. Col Harper with a party of Light Horse from Albany was with the american party. That he was in the Upper Fort in Schharie when Schharie was burnt in the year 1780.”
Cornelius Eckerson – “During the summer or fall of 1777, the 3 forts called the upper, middle and lower forts were put in repalisading and picketing around and a company of Continental Troops were stationed at them together with a portion of the militia.” The Capt. of the Continental troops was at the time either at the upper of middle fort. This deponent continued serving in this way as near as he can recollect until the middle of July when he was reassigned to man the upper fort more [ ] and this deponent volunteered, entered the militia service at the upper fort about the middle of August and continued there serving under Capt. Hagar of the militia in Col. Vrooman’s Regt., Major Thomas Eckerson in standing sentry, keeping said in scouts until about the middle of October of 1778 when he was discharged at the upper fort and returned home having served at the two forts at least since the middle of March, three months and one week.
Five Years in the Forts 1778-1782
The Mohawk River valley saw an increase in British & Indian raids during 1778, including German Flatts, Unadilla, and Cherry Valley. Activity picked up significantly by 1780 and carried through until the cessation of hostilities in July 1782 – including organized raids and the incessant recruiting of loyalists throughout the region. With each raiding war party, whether large or small, came looting, burning, pillaging, scalping, kidnapping and killing. All the texts and pensions point to some families initially resisting the abandonment of their homes, barns and fields but, in time, everyone lived in the forts. Throughout these five long years, life carried on– farming, hunting, marriage, births, and deaths. We know that William and Hannah are in the forts by at least June 7, 1778, which was the birthday of their third child, Rebecca. Their first child, John (October 19, 1775), was probably conceived in Connecticut soon after their marriage and born in Harpersfield. William & Hannah gave birth to four more children over the 1777-1781 period in the forts: Anna (March 4, 1777), Rebecca (June 7, 1778), Samuel (May 25, 1780) and Mary (August 28, 1781).
As Simms writes in Border Wars, “Although the citizens of Schoharie had huts at the several forts where they usually lodged nights, and where their clothing and most valuable effects were kept during the summer, the female part of many families were in the daily habit of visiting their dwellings to do certain kinds of work, while their husbands were engaged in securing their crops.” Nicholas Righter’s pension echoes this as people “reinforced the forts at night for shelter and protection and returned in the morning to their employment on their farms...” Everyone also helped out in times of a confrontation, and to supply the constant stream of scouts and farming guards leaving the forts. As recounted in the Syracuse Herald (March 14, 1908) by a great-granddaughter of Rebecca Cornwell, “During all this exciting period, Hannah Finch, Cornell’s wife, assisted her husband, as did the other women of the time, making powder and bullets as ammunition for the soldiers.” Benjamin Bartholomew’s widow, Abigail, states in his pension “that he was in an engagement at the Middle Fort when the British & Indians under Sir John Johnston attacked…that she was present in the fort during the engagement making cartridges.”
It is during this time in the forts, and the constant patrols and engagements described below, that the published story of William’s second capture likely occurred:
“on one occasion was taken prisoner by the British, and being a fair writer he was employed by them as a clerk and bookkeeper. As he sat writing, guarded by the enemy, he complained that his ink was too thick, and asked an officer to put some water in it. The officer gruffly ordered him to water his own ink (with an oath). Cornell, with the ink stand in his hand (hatless) walked down to the brink of the Mohawk river, very near at hand, and perceiving that he was not observed by the enemy, he threw away the inkstand and leaping into the river he was soon out of sight and hearing. Nearly the whole of the night he waded or swam down the river and just as the day appeared he arrived safely at the fort. (Yates County Chronicle, March 31, 1870)
The written books and pensions are filled with such stories. Sometimes, escape was impossible and those captured were taken to Canada and often, but not always, returned after the war. One even escaped from Montreal and made it all the way back to the Middle Fort – as described in John Brown’s pension, when John, along with his father, brothers and neighbors (Alexander Harper, Isaac Patchin) was “taken by the Indians and others under the command of Col. Brant and were carried Prisoners into Canada, first to Niagra from thence to Montreal, from which place we were sent out to an Island in the St. Lawrence for safe keeping as Prisoners of War where I remained until the 9th day of June 1782 when I swam from the Island and made my escape in company with Liet. Bull[os] of Col Willets Regiment and we made the best of our way to Albany and stayed there after being fifteen days in the woods….Two days after we were taken by the Indians as stated above we were sold from my father who I afterward learnt was killed by the Indians five or six days after we were taken.“
When an alarm was raised, a party would depart the forts in pursuit. The 1778-1779 period was marked by war parties constantly probing and raiding the outer settlements. Pensions speak of men being called out for garrison duty in the forts.
Cornelius Eckerson – “The deponent saith that during this season the inhabitants were greatly alarmed and disheartened. Property was destroyed, buildings burnt, lives taken by the Tories and Indians in every direction. In the day time the families each only worked in constant fear and at night would resort to the forts for protection. Settlements were destroyed all around and the whites were hunted like game in the forest and in the manner we hunted the enemy in turn during this year a Capt. McDonald a notorious Tory has called in 300 or more Indians and Tories and was making great ravages in the vicinity of the forts…..With regular service of duty was only interrupted by the incursions of the Onondaga Indians into Schoharie in 1779 by devastation of Sir John Johnson with 800 Indians and Tories in 1780 who besieged the fort and laid waste to the white settlement although the forts were maintained against fearful odds for we had Col. Harper and Tim. Murphy out and around and in 1781 when the “notorious Tory” Dockstater came into the county with his Indians and Tories under him and on three other occasions. The garrisons being more closely posted, sentries being required for scouts and for possible operations.”
William White – “in the month of June 1779 was again drafted to go to Schoharie, went in the company commanded by Capt Aaron Hale. Marched to Schoharie in the Middle Fort. Was there and at the Upper Fort for two months or more, while there Captain Hale deserted and ran away – deponents company was then put under the command of Captain Hager as long as we remained in Schoharie.”
George Passage – (on William’s Roll) “In the fall of the year 1779 he was called out pursuant to a daft and served in Captain Walter Vrooman’s company of Levies and marched to Schoharie where he performed garrison duty for the term of four weeks….and was out on many alarms when it was reported that the enemy threatened on attacking upon our frontier. He was also out on sundry occasions as a scout & Indian spy.”
The ongoing state of affairs is well captured by Simms:
“The manuscript furnished the author by Judge Hager, states that in the year 1779, probably in the spring, a rumor reached the Schoharie forts that Capt. Brant, on the evening of a certain day, would arrive at some place on the Delaware river with a band of hostile followers. Col. Vrooman thereupon dispatched Capt. Jacob Hager with a company of about fifty men to that neighborhood. Hager arrived with his troops after a rapid march, at the place where it was said Brant was to pass-thirty or forty miles distant from Schoharie; and concealed them amidst some fallen timber beside the road. This station was taken in the afternoon of the day on which Brant was expected to arrive, and continued to be occupied by the Americans until the following day between ten and eleven o’clock, when, no new evidence of Brant’s visit being discovered, Capt. Hager returned home-thinking it possible that Brant was pursuing a different route to the Schoharie settlements. Capt. Hager afterwards learned from a loyalist, in whose neighborhood he had been concealed, that he had not been gone an hour when the enemy about one hundred and fifty strong-Indians and Tories, arrived and passed the fallow where he had been secreted. On being informed that a company of Americans had so recently left the neighborhood, preparations were made to pursue them. When about to move forward, Brant enquired of a Tory named Sherman, what officer commanded the Americans, and on being informed that it was Capt. Hager, whose courage from a French war acquaintance was undoubted, he consulted his chiefs and the pursuit was abandoned. Brant, on learning that Schoharie was well defended seems to have given up the idea of surprising that settlement, and directed his steps to more vulnerable points of attack. Several settlements were entered simultaneously by the enemy along the Mohawk river early in the season-directed no doubt by this distinguished chief. Apprised of Sullivan’s intended march to the Indian country, he hurried back to prepare for his reception.” [Simms, History of Schoharie County, 294]
Gen. Clinton and Maj. Gen. John Sullivan led an expedition against the Six Nations of the Iroquois in the summer and fall of 1779. John Harper led some detachments, and Garret Putnam, Timothy Murphy and David Ellerson were also involved – and others that also served with William state in their pensions that they went.
Jedediah Darrow – “That in the spring of 1779, month not recollected, the Militia being classed the class to which he belonged was called out to furnish one man, he then volunteered to go for his class, and went to Albany where they were mustered, from there they went to Schoharie on the Mohawk where they joined a company of militia commanded by a Lt. Vroman, where they remained stationed three months, the time for which we was called out. His time of service expired about the time that a part of the Continental Army passed over from the Mohawk to Ostego Lake to gain General Sullivan’s Army, and the deponent enlisted as volunteer under Captain Alexander Harper for the campaign and went with the Army to the outlet of Ostego lake and went also to the Susquehannah about forty miles to a place called [Yeoumans] Plantation and then returned to the head of the lake where we as taken sick and received a pass to return home and did return home, that he served under Captain Harpur about six weeks to the time he got home.”It is unclear from the records whether William participated or stayed back to defend Schoharie and Harpersfield, where intermittent, small and focused attacks were frequent. While the expedition led to incredible devastation to the Indian villages, the Indians themselves largely survived and were understandably bent on vengeance.
The Year 1780
After a long winter, things become very heated. The productive farms of the region again became a target of the British, who were intent on starving the supply lines to George Washington and were also intent on pushing back the line of the frontier. A page of Col. Peter Vrooman’s muster roll (shown here) captures the course of the year, beginning with “Capt. Harper is took prisoner by Capt. Brant the 7th day of April in year 1780.” He and his party were out on a scout and also out to collect maple sap, but were caught in a snowstorm of three feet. His daughter recounts in his pension that several others were captured, including some that were on William’s roll from just a month earlier. These include John Henry (Hendry) – the Lieutenant from William’s own company – as well as John Brown, another Ensign like William in the Tryon Fifth. John was traveling with his father, James, and two brothers, Thomas and John – both of whom were tomahawked and scalped. Also in this group were Isaac Patchin and Freegift Patchin, who lived close by. Alexander Harper was held captive in Canada until November 27, 1782. Alexander’s daughter added that “I think Joseph Bartholomew was a Liuetenant in my Father’s company but I am not positive” and she was correct – and this was William’s Tryon Fifth. In the following stories, we have no specific record of William, yet we know that he was intricately linked to all these men and all these events. As an able-bodied man, aged 29 in 1780, with ranging warfare experience, it seems impossible that he was not frequently a participant in the scouting parties and events as described.
Isaac Patchin – “…1780 when he and thirteen others were sent under command of Captain Harper by Colonel Zeely [Zielie] to go to Harpersfield and about that section of country. That they accordingly marched there and were all take prisoners excepting three that were killed (that there were thirty Indians and eight Tories) and they were all taken to Canada excepting an old man by the name Brown whom they killed and scalped on the way. That after they got to Niagara this deponent, Ezra Thorp, John Henry and Freegift Patchin were taken from thence to Montreal and then to Shambilee and there imprisoned in irons for something like eighteen months. They were then sent to Prison Island in the River of St. Lawrence and remained there about a year and were taken to Quebec and from there to Boston and there liberated. That John Hendy (Hendry) one of the number died while at Shambilee.”
Ezra Buel– (on William’s Roll) “In April 1780, this deponent was called out in Captain Harrison’s company which belonged in Colonel John Harper’s Regiment of Militia and went to Fort Ann and erected a picket fort, and from there to Palmertown [Wilton] and built a blockhouse and received a commission of first Lieutenant in May of that year. In the latter part of the summer, he went with the Regiment to Schenectady and proceeded up the Mohawk River to Fort Stanwix and returned to Schenectady in December following when he was paid and discharged.”
Jedediah Darrow – “That in the spring of the year 1780 there was a quota of men called for the militia..and this deponent went…for nine months..he went directly to Albany where they were mustered and then went to Schoharie where we went into a company commanded by Captain Hager and Lieutenant Joseph Harpur who this deponent followed scouting through the summer in company with a man named Wilbur who had before belonged to Colonel Morgan’s corps of Riflemen. There was then scouting parties in the company…but Wilbur and this deponent generally went together without any other with them. The parties took turns and were generally out three days at a time. They went different routes for the purpose of watching the approach and movement of the Indians. While they were stationed at the Upper Fort in Schohary, a party of Indians came into Schohary and within about two miles of the Fort. Took six prisoners an old ]man his lady and servant girl and three blacks, they took the old lady a short distance and let her go. That a party of Captain Hager’s company went under a Liet. Vroman in pursuit of the indians and said Wilbur and this deponent went in the detachment, they pursued them it was said about forty miles they followed their tread went found where they ascended, went up the Hill and came upon them on the top of the hill. The Indians fired one gun and then made off leaving the prisoners. The names that was taken was Bouck. After they had retain the prisoners they returned to Schoharie, afterward the Indians returned and burned a part of the town and killed and scalpled thinks seven persons and thins their names were Vroman stated Tunis Vrooman his wife and three children and the wife and child of Liet. Vroman. The troops in the Fort were not suffiecient to contend with the Indians, and didn’t leave the fort except the said Wilbur and Murphy and one or two others who endeavored to overtake the Indians but did not effect it. Soon after the Indians went off they were called to the Mohawk and went to Fort Plank where they were attached to a company commanded by Captain Bogarts…for Fort Stanwix on the way they fell in with a party of Indians said to be sixty, in rising they met them in the road and fired some and the Indians fled they followed some Indians but received no injury. They then pursued their course to Fort Stanwicks they were at Fort Stanwix three weeks as attachment of about sixty under Captain Vrooman. The first day after the left the fort they were all surronded and taken prisoners. One of the attachment made his escape and returned to the Fort. They remained at Fort Stanwicks until they were relieved by a Continental Regimnt.”
Joseph Brown – (on William’s Roll) “That in the month of June 1780, this deponent was regularly enrolled as a militiaman in a company commanded by Jacob Hager as commandand and Peter Swart and Cornelius Feeck as first and second Lieutenants in said company. Called out to perform duty and stationed at the fort called the “upper Fort” in Vromans Land in the said county of Albany now County of Schoharie. in the defense of the country against the invasions and incursions of Indians and Tories. That said company were stationed at said fort from the said month of June 1780 until the same part of the month of June 1782. This deponent further declares that he faithfully served as a private soldier in said militia company at said fort from the said month of June 1780 until the month of June 1782 and this deponent while on duty as a private soldier in said company at said fort was taken prisoner by a party of Indians and conveyed by the on foot to Niagara in the Canadas and retained by them as prisoner until the summer of 1784.”
Darrow’s description of Bouck’s capture by Seth’s Henry is also recounted by both Simms and Gould, who also have Joseph Harper on the pursuit party. Joseph was a Lieutenant on William’s Roll. Notably, Darrow’s pension above illustrates that men from the Tryon County side are serving with men from the Albany County side out of the three forts. The frontier had broken down, the Schoharie forts were the only protection, and me served where, when and how they were able. William was certainly on countless scouts in his five years in the forts.
After burning settlements around Canajoharie, Joseph Brant and a small party of Indians & Tories attacked a portion of the Schoharie settlements near Middle Fort on August 9, 1780. A scout sent by Hager from the Upper Fort, including rifleman William Leek, encountered their advance on the valley. They raced back to the fort, but without enough time to signal properly. According to Simms, the single discharge of a cannon was an early warning, a second discharge meant it was hazardous to approach the fort, and a third meant that reaching the fort was impossible without encountering the enemy. Which is what happened in this case, as 73 Indians and 5 Tories under Brandt approached Vrooman’s land near the fort. Hager was seven miles from the Upper Fort drawing in some hay on his land, as was Capt. Tunis Vrooman. While stacking wheat after breakfast, the forces descended and Vrooman was tomahawked, scalped, and had his throat cut. His wife was washing in a narrow passage in the house when she was struck twice with a tomahawk and scalped. The house was set on fire. Three of the oldest boys were made captives, while the youngest tried to run but was caught, had his throat cut, scalped and hung across a fence. Earlier that morning, when Mrs. Vrooman was leaving the fort, she had said to her friends “This is the last morning I intend to go to my house to work.” Nearby, Seth’s Henry was leading additional attacks on other Vrooman families, in which much killing, scalping, and kidnapping ensued. Nine houses were burned, as were barns, and ninety horses were taken along with cattle and hogs. Seth’s Henry conspicuously left behind his war club notched with 35 scalps and 40 prisoners. The war party then burned all of Hager’s property at Brakeabeen.
October 1780 brought a far more expansive and shocking raid on the Schoharie led by the full contingency of the enemy: Col. John Johnson, Capt. Joseph Brant, Seth’s Henry, John McDonnel and Adam Crysler. On October 17, 1780 the raid on the Schoharie began, led by Johnson himself with nearly 900 Tories, Indians and British Regulars. Similar to the raid in 1778, the Upper Fort was bypassed, and they attacked, but could not take, the Middle Fort, which had 200 continentals and nearly two hundred militia. At that time, Murphy was in the Middle Fort as part of Bogart’s company, and both Hager & Harper were in Upper Fort. William could have been in either. When Johnson’s column bypassed the Upper fort, it shot off the warning cannon for the Middle fort, which sent out a scout with Murphy, Thomas Eckerson, David Ellerson, and over a dozen others. Johnson sent a white flag to the middle fort three times and each time Murphy shot over his head, refusing a parley much to the angst of the commanding officer in the fort, a continental names Woolsey. Nicholas Rightor’s pension says that “the Enemy with a flag two or three times but there were fired upon from the fort by a solider of the name of Murphy and driven back. For this act the officers ordered Murphy to be arrested but he was too good a solider too brave and popular that none would obey. The enemy seeing our determined spirit abandoned the siege and it was supposed that Murphy’s rash act saved the fort.” Murphy and others were concerned that a parley would reveal the much smaller numbers inside the fort. The war party left a trail of burnt property and crops in their wake, and proceeded along the Schoharie until it met the Mohawk, and plundered their way west to Oswego. Over 200 homes were destroyed and over 150,000 bushels of grain.
The Year 1781
Spring weather again brought fresh raids. Adam Crysler returned to his homeland in June and he recorded that “When I got to Schoharie I had a scrimmage with the Rebels and took five (5) scalps, two prisoners, eighteen horses, and burned some houses and barns. We lost one (1) Indian and had one (1) wounded before returning to Niagara.” In July, a large war party of 500 under the loyalist, John Dockstader, shot Capt. Robert McKean (on William’s Roll) in a battle between Canajoharie and the Schoharie. A group from that war party traveled to the Schoharie and captured members of the Bouck and Mattice families near the Middle Fort and took them to Canada. In September, Solomon Woodworth (on William’s Roll) and a ranging party were surrounded and a vicious close-in fight ensued. Woodworth and others were killed, many captured, and Capt. Garret Putnam (on William’s Roll) arrived the next day to bury the dead.
In November 1781, a war party of 65 Tories & Indians including Joseph Brandt, Seth’s Henry and Adam Crysler again attacked Vrooman’s land near the Upper Fort. With Cornwallis having surrendered in October, it was also time to remove Tory families permanently from the Schoharie. Isaac Vrooman, the father of Col. Peter Vrooman, was scalped by Seth’s Henry then killed with a war club and a cut to the throat. Peter and his wife escaped. Hager pursued with militia as well as Murphy and other rifleman in the direction of Harpersfield and Lake Utsayantho. As Adam Chrysler related in his journal, “November, we arrived in Schoharie and killed one man near the Fort and drove off fifty (50) head of cattle and burnt two houses and a number of horses in our retreat. The Rebels turned out with a party of thirty (30) men in pursuit of us. They followed four miles from the Fort and began to fire upon us. We returned the fire and killed one of their men. They retreated. I went on with the cattle. The next morning, the Rebels turned out for a second attack with 150 men and overtook us about twenty-three (23) miles from the Fort. Here we fought another skirmish and killed four of their men. Some were wounded and they retreated. We lost all the cattle. I then consulted with the Indians and they decided not to pursue the Rebels since we were all safe and they were too strong for us. We arrived back at Niagara on the 11th of December.”
The pension of Jacob Hager’s son, Henry, captures this pursuit and fight on Bouck’s Island, in the Schoharie just to the south of the Upper Fort: “he enlisted in to the service areforesaid in Schoharie at a place called the Upper Fort and then in the County of Albay and State of New York, th the battles he was engaged in against the enemy Viz the Indians was two, one not far distant from the aforesaid Upper Fort at a place called Bouck’s Isalnd and in another battle we was engaged in the the County of Delware in the State aforesaid at a certain Lake called Utsayanta. He also thinks the company to which he belonged and had enlisted in the year 1781 and was also discharged at the aforesaid Upper Fort.”
The idea that peace had finally arrived must have been great given the fact that George Washington visited Albany that summer and, on June 30, 1782, took a carriage from Albany to Schenectady, just to the east of the Schoharie. Yet, despite the July 1782 cessation of hostilities and the Paris peace articles adopted on Nov 30, the killing was not over in the Schoharie valley. On July 4, Adam Vrooman (son of Isaac, already killed), Peter Feeck and Joseph Brown all left the Upper Fort – where people were still living – to drive cattle. A party of Indians & Tories shot Vrooman, but Feeck made it back to the fort. Brown was captured and, despite being chased by a party of rangers, was carried to Canada. Later that month, on July 26, Adam Crysler appeared again and tomahawked and scalped Jacob Zimmer in front of his wife and set his house and barn on fire. They also killed John Becker, who was cutting in a field near his stone house, with a tomahawk and scalped him.
A suitable closure to the border wars in the Schoharie was the astounding decision by Seth’s Henry to return to the valley after the war. It would have taken a certain conceit, or stupidity, to return to the scene of so many atrocities, and the taunting of war clubs left behind. When he left the valley, heading to the Charlotte River to the west, he was followed by Murphy and, according to Simms, Seth’s Henry “never reached the place for which he set out, it was currently believed, though not generally known, that his bones were left to bleach in the intervening forest. The writer has no doubt from the information he has received from Lawrence Mattice, David Elerson, and others, that a bullet from the rifle which sent Gen. Fraser to his long home, also ended the career of this crafty chief, who was one of the most blood-thirsty and successful warriors of the Revolution.” Perhaps this shot was taken with Timothy Murphy’s rifle below.
After the War
William and his family stayed in Harpersfield after the war ended, perhaps returning to their pre-Revolution farm. He shows up on the tax list in Harpersfield in 1788, in the 1790 census in Harpersfield, in the 1800 census in Delhi, and in the 1810 census in Delhi. No Indians or slaves were recorded in his household. The move from Harpersfield to Delhi, which is to the southwest along the river, was due to the fact that “he purchased 1,000 acres of land nine miles down the river from Delhi village. He moved on this tract of land in 1791.” In the History of Delaware Country, in the section regarding Hamden, which was carved off of Harpersfield, it’s written that David Harrower, “like many of the first settlers, was a ‘squatter’ and did not obtain title to his land until 1792 when he took it by a lease from John Keake, which covered 950 acres west of the river and contained between the lot line that crosses Hamden village near the Methodist church and the lower line of the Donald Shaw farm….William Cornell, who came in 1787, took for his portion the farm now owned by Daniel Crawford. His house was built of logs, and was on the bank back of the present residence, on the old road; in 1814 he sold to Shadrack Hayward, who in turn sold to Donald Crawford in 1820. The Howards occupied a portion of the tract, which portion is now owned by Messrs. Henderson and Ballentine. James, the oldest, occupied that portion near the river, and as early as 1796 opened the first inn of the town.” A large portion of that farm still exists off Crawford Road, on the west side of the river, just southwest of the Hamden covered bridge.
William sold off all the land and moved 150 miles west to Penn Yan, New York, in the Finger Lakes “about 1816 with some of his family.” There, “William Cornell, Sen., and his wife removed to the farm in Jerusalem now owned and occupied by Isaac Purdy taking their nephew with them, and on that farm they lived many years in a double log house, now standing near Mr. Purdy’s residence, where Mr. Cornell died on the 11th day of June 1825 in his seventy-fifth year. His wife died on the 13th of May, 1837, in her eighty-sixth year.” William & Hannah had 10 children, the last of which was born relatively late in their lives, particularly back then. These include: John (Oct 19, 1775), Anna (March 4, 1777), Rebecca (June 7, 1778), Samuel (May 25, 1780), Mary (August 28, 1781), William (March 1, 1787), Hannah (April 29, 1790), Abigail (October 20, 1792), Elizabeth (July 14, 1794) and Phoebe (December 17, 1796). The first five were born during the war. William & Hannah are buried in the Lakeview Cemetery in Penn Yan, New York.
